Process explainer

What is an independent expenditure?

An independent expenditure is a disbursement that expressly advocates the election or defeat of a clearly identified federal candidate and is made without any coordination with that candidate, their campaign, or their party. The Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) defines independent expenditures at 52 U.S.C. Section 30101(17). Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976), held that limits on independent expenditures violate the First Amendment because uncoordinated spending poses no direct risk of quid pro quo corruption between a spender and a candidate. Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310 (2010), extended that protection to independent expenditures by corporations and labor unions, creating the constitutional foundation for unlimited super PAC spending in every federal election, including 2028.

Updated - Federal Election Campaign Act, 52 U.S.C. Section 30101(17) -- FEC, Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976) -- Cornell LII, Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310 (2010) -- Cornell LII

Related: What is Citizens United? (the ruling that extended independent expenditure protection to corporations) | What is a super PAC? (independent expenditure-only committees) | What is the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA)? | What is the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA)? (the law Citizens United partially overruled) | How does presidential campaign finance work? | What is a 501(c)(4) organization? (the dark money vehicle that makes independent expenditures) | What is coordination in campaign finance? (what makes an expenditure truly independent) | What is express advocacy? (the Buckley magic-words test that defines which spending counts as an independent expenditure) | What is Buckley v. Valeo? (held that independent expenditures are constitutionally protected) | When is the 2028 election?

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Related questions

What makes spending an 'independent expenditure' under federal law?
Under FECA (52 U.S.C. Section 30101(17)), spending is an independent expenditure if it: (1) expressly advocates the election or defeat of a clearly identified federal candidate -- using language like 'vote for,' 'elect,' 'defeat,' or 'reject' (the 'magic words' from Buckley v. Valeo) -- and (2) is made without coordination with the candidate, the candidate's authorized committee, the candidate's agents, or a political party committee. Both elements are required. Coordinated spending, even if it uses express advocacy language, is treated as a contribution subject to FECA's limits rather than as an independent expenditure.
Why can't Congress limit independent expenditures?
Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976), held that limits on independent expenditures violate the First Amendment. The Court distinguished direct contributions -- which go to the candidate's campaign and create a potential quid pro quo corruption risk -- from independent expenditures, which are uncoordinated with the candidate and therefore do not create the same financial relationship between the spender and the officeholder. Because the corruption interest that justifies contribution limits does not apply equally to independent spending, the Court held that Congress may not cap independent expenditures. Citizens United v. FEC (2010) extended this protection to corporate and union independent expenditures.
What is the difference between an independent expenditure and a direct contribution?
A direct contribution is money (or anything of value) given to a candidate's authorized campaign committee, subject to FECA's per-candidate, per-election limits (52 U.S.C. Section 30116). An independent expenditure is money spent independently -- without coordination -- to expressly advocate a candidate's election or defeat; it is not given to the campaign. Buckley v. Valeo held that direct contributions can be limited (they create a corruption risk) but independent expenditures cannot (they do not). Super PACs exploit this distinction: they make only independent expenditures and therefore are not subject to contribution limits on what they raise or spend.
Does making an independent expenditure require FEC disclosure?
Yes. Any person (other than a political committee) making independent expenditures aggregating $250 or more in a calendar year must file a statement with the FEC under 52 U.S.C. Section 30104(g), disclosing each expenditure. Accelerated reporting applies near elections: independent expenditures of $1,000 or more made after the 20th day before an election require a 24-hour report; independent expenditures of $10,000 or more made up to the 20th day before an election require a 48-hour report. All reports are publicly searchable at fec.gov. Citizens United upheld these disclosure requirements 8-1.
How do independent expenditures affect the 2028 presidential election?
Independent expenditures are expected to be the primary vehicle for large-scale outside spending in the 2028 presidential race. Super PACs -- 'independent expenditure-only committees' created under Citizens United and SpeechNow.org v. FEC (2010) -- may raise unlimited funds from corporations, unions, and individuals and spend those funds on independent expenditures supporting or opposing 2028 candidates, as long as they do not coordinate with the campaigns. Individuals, corporations, and unions may also make direct independent expenditures without going through a super PAC. All such spending must be disclosed to the FEC at fec.gov. The combination of unlimited independent spending with mandatory public disclosure is the defining feature of the post-Citizens United campaign finance landscape heading into 2028.
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Related explainers

How does presidential campaign finance work?

Presidential campaigns raise money from individuals, PACs, and party committees under FEC rules. Major candidates typically opt out of public financing to raise and spend unlimited private funds.

What is Citizens United?

Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, 558 U.S. 310 (2010), is the landmark Supreme Court decision holding that the First Amendment prohibits the government from restricting independent political expenditures by corporations, associations, and labor unions. Decided January 21, 2010, by a 5-4 vote, it overruled Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce (1990) and parts of McConnell v. FEC (2003), and is the constitutional foundation for unlimited super PAC spending in every U.S. election, including 2028.

What is a super PAC?

A super PAC is the informal name for an 'independent expenditure-only committee' -- a political action committee that may raise and spend unlimited amounts from corporations, unions, and individuals, but may make no direct contributions to candidates or parties and may not coordinate spending with any campaign. Super PACs were created by Citizens United v. FEC (Supreme Court, January 21, 2010) and SpeechNow.org v. FEC (D.C. Circuit, March 26, 2010), confirmed by FEC Advisory Opinion 2010-11 (July 22, 2010). They are a central feature of modern presidential campaign finance, including 2028.

What is the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA)?

The Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA, Pub. L. 92-225), originally signed by President Nixon on February 7, 1972, is the foundational federal statute regulating the financing of federal elections. Its landmark 1974 amendments (Pub. L. 93-443, signed by President Ford on October 15, 1974) created the Federal Election Commission, established individual contribution limits of $1,000 per candidate per election, set PAC limits at $5,000 per candidate per election, created the presidential public funding program, and set candidate expenditure limits. In Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976), the Supreme Court upheld contribution limits and disclosure requirements but struck down expenditure limits as unconstitutional restrictions on First Amendment speech. FECA -- as amended by the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (2002) and interpreted through Citizens United (2010) -- remains the primary legal framework governing 2028 presidential campaign finance.

What is the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (McCain-Feingold)?

The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA, Pub. L. 107-155), commonly called McCain-Feingold after Senate sponsors John McCain (R-AZ) and Russ Feingold (D-WI), was signed by President George W. Bush on March 27, 2002. Its two central reforms were: (1) a ban on 'soft money' -- unlimited contributions to national political party committees -- and (2) restrictions on 'electioneering communications,' defined as broadcast, cable, or satellite ads mentioning a federal candidate within 30 days of a primary or 60 days of a general election. The Supreme Court upheld most of BCRA in McConnell v. FEC (2003), but in Citizens United v. FEC (2010) struck down the electioneering-communications ban on independent corporate and union expenditures. BCRA's soft money ban and disclosure requirements remain in effect for the 2028 presidential election.

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