What is the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA)?
The Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA, Pub. L. 92-225), originally signed by President Nixon on February 7, 1972, is the foundational federal statute regulating the financing of federal elections. Its landmark 1974 amendments (Pub. L. 93-443, signed by President Ford on October 15, 1974) created the Federal Election Commission, established individual contribution limits of $1,000 per candidate per election, set PAC limits at $5,000 per candidate per election, created the presidential public funding program, and set candidate expenditure limits. In Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976), the Supreme Court upheld contribution limits and disclosure requirements but struck down expenditure limits as unconstitutional restrictions on First Amendment speech. FECA -- as amended by the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (2002) and interpreted through Citizens United (2010) -- remains the primary legal framework governing 2028 presidential campaign finance.
The Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA, Pub. L. 92-225) was signed by President Richard Nixon on February 7, 1972, replacing the Federal Corrupt Practices Act of 1925, which had lacked effective enforcement mechanisms. The original FECA established mandatory public disclosure of contributions and expenditures in federal election campaigns -- a transparency requirement designed to let voters see who was funding which candidates. FECA required committees to file periodic reports with the Clerk of the House, the Secretary of the Senate, and the Comptroller General, disclosing all contributions over $100 and all expenditures. It also set a ceiling on candidate media spending at 10 cents per eligible voter per year. Watergate-era campaign finance revelations, including secret cash contributions to President Nixon's 1972 re-election campaign, created immediate pressure for far stronger regulation.
Congress enacted sweeping 1974 amendments (Pub. L. 93-443), signed by President Gerald Ford on October 15, 1974, that transformed FECA into the comprehensive campaign finance regulatory structure that still governs federal elections today. The 1974 amendments created the Federal Election Commission as an independent, bipartisan agency with exclusive civil enforcement authority. They established for the first time hard dollar limits on campaign contributions: individuals could give no more than $1,000 per candidate per election and $25,000 in total to all federal candidates and party committees per year; political action committees (PACs) could give no more than $5,000 per candidate per election. The amendments also established candidate expenditure limits -- a ceiling on how much a campaign could spend in total -- and created the presidential public funding program, offering matching funds to primary candidates who demonstrated broad support by raising $5,000 in each of at least 20 states, and a general election grant to the major-party nominees who agreed to a spending cap.
The constitutional validity of FECA's key provisions was addressed in Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976), a landmark per curiam Supreme Court decision. The Court applied First Amendment analysis to political spending for the first time. It upheld contribution limits: contributions may be limited because they raise the danger of quid pro quo corruption or its appearance, and limiting contributions does not prevent the donor from spending money to advocate independently. It struck down candidate expenditure limits: caps on how much a candidate or supporter may spend on political expression -- beyond the amount given directly to a candidate -- violate the First Amendment because spending money to communicate political views is itself protected speech. Buckley also struck down limits on independent expenditures (money spent to advocate for or against a candidate without coordinating with the campaign), upheld disclosure requirements, and struck down FECA's original FEC appointment mechanism as a violation of the separation of powers (Congress had appointed four of six commissioners, but FEC commissioners exercise executive power). The 1976 FECA amendments (Pub. L. 94-283) corrected the appointment mechanism, reconstituting the FEC with commissioners appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate.
FECA has been amended twice more in the decades since Buckley. The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA, Pub. L. 107-155) added a ban on 'soft money' contributions to national party committees and restrictions on corporate and union-funded 'electioneering communications' -- broadcast ads naming a federal candidate within 30 days of a primary or 60 days of a general election. Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310 (2010), held that corporations, unions, and associations may make unlimited independent expenditures not coordinated with any candidate's campaign, enabling the formation of super PACs. As amended and as interpreted by these Supreme Court decisions, FECA is now codified at 52 U.S.C. Section 30101 et seq. (formerly at 2 U.S.C. Section 431 et seq.; the Code was reorganized and renumbered in 2014).
For the 2028 presidential election, FECA's core provisions govern every aspect of campaign fundraising and spending. Contribution limits -- set at $1,000 in 1974 and adjusted by the FEC for inflation each election cycle under BCRA's framework -- restrict how much individuals and PACs may give directly to a candidate's campaign committee. Disclosure requirements mandate that committees raising or spending more than $1,000 register with the FEC, and that all contributions of more than $200 be itemized and publicly reported at fec.gov. The presidential public funding program remains on the books but has not been used by a major-party general election nominee since 2004, when both George W. Bush and John Kerry accepted the general election grant; Barack Obama declined in 2008 and raised far more in private funds, and every subsequent major-party nominee has followed. Under FECA as shaped by Citizens United, unlimited independent expenditures and super PAC spending are legal for 2028 provided there is no coordination with a candidate's official campaign.
Related: What is the Federal Election Commission (FEC)? | What is the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (McCain-Feingold)? | What is Citizens United? (the ruling that expanded independent spending under FECA) | What is a super PAC? | How does presidential campaign finance work? | What is the First Amendment? (free speech and campaign spending) | What is an independent expenditure? (the FECA concept Citizens United expanded) | What is Buckley v. Valeo? (the ruling that shaped FECA's constitutional limits) | What is McCutcheon v. FEC? (the 2014 ruling that struck aggregate limits from FECA's contribution framework) | What is the presidential public funding program? (the voluntary program FECA's 1974 amendments created) | When is the 2028 election?
Related questions
What is FECA and when was it enacted?
What did FECA's 1974 amendments do?
What did Buckley v. Valeo do to FECA?
How has FECA been amended since 1974?
Does FECA still apply to the 2028 presidential election?
Get the 2028 race by email
One short alert when the 2028 race actually changes - a candidate enters or drops out, the rules firm up, the polls move. No spam.
Related explainers
Presidential campaigns raise money from individuals, PACs, and party committees under FEC rules. Major candidates typically opt out of public financing to raise and spend unlimited private funds.
The Federal Election Commission (FEC) is the independent federal agency that administers and enforces campaign finance law for all federal elections, including 2028. It was created by the Federal Election Campaign Act Amendments of 1974 (Pub. L. 93-443), signed October 15, 1974, in response to campaign finance abuses exposed during the Watergate investigation. The FEC is run by six commissioners (no more than three from the same party), appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate. All 2028 presidential campaign committees must register with the FEC, and all contributions and expenditures above reporting thresholds must be publicly disclosed at fec.gov.
The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA, Pub. L. 107-155), commonly called McCain-Feingold after Senate sponsors John McCain (R-AZ) and Russ Feingold (D-WI), was signed by President George W. Bush on March 27, 2002. Its two central reforms were: (1) a ban on 'soft money' -- unlimited contributions to national political party committees -- and (2) restrictions on 'electioneering communications,' defined as broadcast, cable, or satellite ads mentioning a federal candidate within 30 days of a primary or 60 days of a general election. The Supreme Court upheld most of BCRA in McConnell v. FEC (2003), but in Citizens United v. FEC (2010) struck down the electioneering-communications ban on independent corporate and union expenditures. BCRA's soft money ban and disclosure requirements remain in effect for the 2028 presidential election.
Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, 558 U.S. 310 (2010), is the landmark Supreme Court decision holding that the First Amendment prohibits the government from restricting independent political expenditures by corporations, associations, and labor unions. Decided January 21, 2010, by a 5-4 vote, it overruled Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce (1990) and parts of McConnell v. FEC (2003), and is the constitutional foundation for unlimited super PAC spending in every U.S. election, including 2028.
A super PAC is the informal name for an 'independent expenditure-only committee' -- a political action committee that may raise and spend unlimited amounts from corporations, unions, and individuals, but may make no direct contributions to candidates or parties and may not coordinate spending with any campaign. Super PACs were created by Citizens United v. FEC (Supreme Court, January 21, 2010) and SpeechNow.org v. FEC (D.C. Circuit, March 26, 2010), confirmed by FEC Advisory Opinion 2010-11 (July 22, 2010). They are a central feature of modern presidential campaign finance, including 2028.
See the live 2028 candidate trackerAll 2028 election questions