What is an electioneering communication?
An electioneering communication is a broadcast, cable, or satellite advertisement that (1) refers to a clearly identified federal candidate, (2) is aired within 60 days before a general election or 30 days before a primary, and (3) can be received by 50,000 or more persons in the relevant electorate. Created by the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA, Pub. L. 107-155) at 52 U.S.C. Section 30104(f)(3), the category was designed to capture candidate-focused advertising that avoided the 'magic words' of express advocacy -- such as 'vote for' or 'defeat' -- but was plainly intended to influence a federal election. BCRA Section 203 originally prohibited corporations and unions from spending treasury funds on such communications; the Supreme Court struck down that restriction in Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310 (2010), holding 5-4 that the First Amendment bars government from restricting independent expenditures based on the speaker's corporate identity. FEC disclosure requirements -- filing within 24 or 48 hours, identifying donors of $1,000 or more -- were upheld 8-1 in Citizens United (only Justice Thomas dissented). For the 2028 presidential election, the 60-day general-election window runs from September 8, 2028 through Election Day: any broadcast, cable, or satellite ad naming a federal candidate during that period and reaching 50,000 or more persons in the relevant state or district is an electioneering communication subject to FEC disclosure.
The concept of an 'electioneering communication' was introduced into federal campaign finance law by the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA, Pub. L. 107-155, signed March 27, 2002 by President George W. Bush). Before BCRA, the boundary between regulated and unregulated broadcast political advertising was drawn by the concept of 'express advocacy' developed in Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976). In footnote 52, the Buckley Court listed the 'magic words' that distinguished express advocacy from general political speech: 'vote for,' 'elect,' 'support,' 'cast your ballot for,' '[name] for Congress,' 'vote against,' 'defeat,' and 'reject.' Broadcast ads that mentioned federal candidates by name, attacked their records, and ran in the final weeks before an election -- but avoided those specific phrases -- were classified as unregulated 'issue advertising,' exempt from FECA's source restrictions and disclosure requirements even when funded with corporate or union treasury money. BCRA's electioneering-communication definition closed this loophole by applying a time-and-content test that did not depend on magic words.
The statutory definition at 52 U.S.C. Section 30104(f)(3) requires three elements to be met simultaneously. First, the communication must refer to a 'clearly identified' federal candidate -- the candidate's name, image, nickname, initials, or description of distinctive personal appearance is sufficient; no express advocacy language is required. Second, the communication must fall within a specific time window: 60 days before a general, special, or runoff election to federal office, or 30 days before a primary election, preference election, or a convention or caucus of a political party that has authority to nominate a federal candidate. Third, the communication must be capable of being received by 50,000 or more persons in the congressional district (for a House race) or the state (for Senate or presidential). The definition applies only to broadcast, cable, and satellite communications; online advertising is not classified as an electioneering communication under Section 30104(f)(3) and instead falls under separate FEC disclaimer and disclaimer-report rules.
BCRA Section 203 (52 U.S.C. Section 30118) originally prohibited corporations and labor unions from using general treasury funds to pay for electioneering communications within the 30/60-day windows. This provision was challenged in two Supreme Court cases. In FEC v. Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc., 551 U.S. 449 (2007), Chief Justice Roberts, joined by Justice Alito, held that Section 203 could not constitutionally be applied to ads that were 'susceptible of no reasonable interpretation other than as an appeal to vote for or against a specific candidate' -- creating an 'as applied' exception that narrowed the restriction before Citizens United. In Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, 558 U.S. 310 (January 21, 2010), the Supreme Court, 5-4, struck down Section 203 on its face. Justice Kennedy's majority opinion -- joined by Chief Justice Roberts and Justices Scalia, Thomas, and Alito -- held that the First Amendment prohibits government from suppressing political speech based solely on the speaker's corporate identity. The Court overruled Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, 494 U.S. 652 (1990), and the portion of McConnell v. FEC, 540 U.S. 93 (2003), that had upheld Section 203. After Citizens United, corporations, labor unions, and nonprofit organizations may fund unlimited independent electioneering communications, provided those expenditures are not coordinated with a candidate's campaign or party committee.
Citizens United did not eliminate the FEC disclosure requirements for electioneering communications. Under 52 U.S.C. Section 30104(f)(1)-(2), any person -- individual, corporation, union, or other organization -- that makes disbursements for electioneering communications totaling $10,000 or more in a calendar year must file a report with the FEC. The timing requirement depends on when the disbursement is made: within 24 hours if it occurs within 20 days of the election, or within 48 hours otherwise. The report must disclose the name and address of the person making the disbursements, the amount and date of each electioneering communication, the candidate identified, and the name and address of each person who contributed $1,000 or more specifically for the purpose of funding that communication. The disclosure requirement was upheld 8-1 in Citizens United -- only Justice Thomas dissented, arguing that compelled disclosure of political association violates the First Amendment. For 501(c)(4) organizations -- the primary dark money vehicle -- the obligation covers only donors who specifically earmarked $1,000 or more for the identified electioneering communication; general donor lists not earmarked for a particular communication are not required to be disclosed in FEC filings. For the 2028 presidential election, the 60-day general-election window runs from September 8, 2028 (60 days before November 7, 2028) through Election Day; any broadcast, cable, or satellite ad naming a 2028 federal candidate and reaching 50,000 or more relevant voters during that period triggers the Section 30104(f) disclosure requirement regardless of the speaker's identity.
Related: What is the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA)? (created the electioneering communication category) | What is Citizens United? (struck down corporate/union restrictions on electioneering communications) | What is an independent expenditure? (the related express-advocacy category) | What is soft money in politics? (BCRA's other major reform) | What is a 501(c)(4) organization? (dark money and electioneering communications) | How does presidential campaign finance work? | When is the 2028 election?
Related questions
What is an electioneering communication?
What is the difference between an electioneering communication and an independent expenditure?
Did Citizens United end restrictions on electioneering communications?
What FEC disclosure is required for electioneering communications?
What counts as an electioneering communication in the 2028 election?
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Related explainers
Presidential campaigns raise money from individuals, PACs, and party committees under FEC rules. Major candidates typically opt out of public financing to raise and spend unlimited private funds.
The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA, Pub. L. 107-155), commonly called McCain-Feingold after Senate sponsors John McCain (R-AZ) and Russ Feingold (D-WI), was signed by President George W. Bush on March 27, 2002. Its two central reforms were: (1) a ban on 'soft money' -- unlimited contributions to national political party committees -- and (2) restrictions on 'electioneering communications,' defined as broadcast, cable, or satellite ads mentioning a federal candidate within 30 days of a primary or 60 days of a general election. The Supreme Court upheld most of BCRA in McConnell v. FEC (2003), but in Citizens United v. FEC (2010) struck down the electioneering-communications ban on independent corporate and union expenditures. BCRA's soft money ban and disclosure requirements remain in effect for the 2028 presidential election.
Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, 558 U.S. 310 (2010), is the landmark Supreme Court decision holding that the First Amendment prohibits the government from restricting independent political expenditures by corporations, associations, and labor unions. Decided January 21, 2010, by a 5-4 vote, it overruled Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce (1990) and parts of McConnell v. FEC (2003), and is the constitutional foundation for unlimited super PAC spending in every U.S. election, including 2028.
An independent expenditure is a disbursement that expressly advocates the election or defeat of a clearly identified federal candidate and is made without any coordination with that candidate, their campaign, or their party. The Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) defines independent expenditures at 52 U.S.C. Section 30101(17). Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976), held that limits on independent expenditures violate the First Amendment because uncoordinated spending poses no direct risk of quid pro quo corruption between a spender and a candidate. Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310 (2010), extended that protection to independent expenditures by corporations and labor unions, creating the constitutional foundation for unlimited super PAC spending in every federal election, including 2028.
A super PAC is the informal name for an 'independent expenditure-only committee' -- a political action committee that may raise and spend unlimited amounts from corporations, unions, and individuals, but may make no direct contributions to candidates or parties and may not coordinate spending with any campaign. Super PACs were created by Citizens United v. FEC (Supreme Court, January 21, 2010) and SpeechNow.org v. FEC (D.C. Circuit, March 26, 2010), confirmed by FEC Advisory Opinion 2010-11 (July 22, 2010). They are a central feature of modern presidential campaign finance, including 2028.
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